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Zoning Reform Ideas

Another pilot project.

I can't. I know it was explained to me in a way that I thought was satisfactory by the one like @afransen but I just can't.

What is with these people?

Just do it, the sky won't fall, I swear to you. I'm sorry, I have nothing constructive to contribute.....only a sledgehammer.
 
I agree with so many of the ideas brought up on this thread. I am really glad to see the conversation here really pick up as of late.

Another "low hanging fruit" idea I've had for some time is to designate far more thoroughfares as avenues. In addition to permiting mid-rise development, this could introduce retail and mixed-use onto roads that are currently SFH alone.

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When looking at this map of the Avenues (taken from https://www.toronto.ca/city-governm...delines/design-guidelines/mid-rise-buildings/), I can't help but ask the following:

1. Why are there gaps in the designation of Dundas West past Jane?
2. Why is there a lack of North-South avenues between St. Clair and Eglinton - designate Weston, Dufferin, Oakwood, Vaughan, Spadina, more of Mount Pleasant, More of Bayview, Laird all through this stretch
3. Why is only part of Broadview designated - it all should be
4. Why is Pape only designated to Cosburn instead of all the way to O'Connor. O'Connor by the way should be an avenue through East York.
5. Coxwell, Woodbine, Donlands are all candidates.
6. Why doesn't Kingston Road's designation extend all the way to where it meets Queen?

I would go on, but do not have the time to do so right now. I will add that more suburban arterials ought not to be immune.
 
To be clear, I wasn't implying there isn't....just that......um, character area is a bit of a misnomer. :D


I'd also like to know why my end of King Street isn't "Avenue"-worthy. I feel like it's "Avenue" necessary.
 
Article here on potential Zoning reform in Sacramento, California.

The proposed change would allow 4-plexes, as-of-right, in all currently SFH residential areas.

 
@Northern Light I'm curious to hear your perspective. If we were to implement as of right zoning along every suburban arterial to a depth of 60-70 metres, would that trigger a wave of redevelopment? I would love to see it, but I would also pump the brakes on the hype train. The properties still have to be bought out; there would also be many concerns from local residents. And I don't know if the large developers would be interested in doing small, low margin 5 storeys. What do you think?
 
@Northern Light I'm curious to hear your perspective. If we were to implement as of right zoning along every suburban arterial to a depth of 60-70 metres, would that trigger a wave of redevelopment? I would love to see it, but I would also pump the brakes on the hype train. The properties still have to be bought out; there would also be many concerns from local residents. And I don't know if the large developers would be interested in doing small, low margin 5 storeys. What do you think?

I don't think as-of-right zoning, as with any other solution in isolation is a panacea.

I do favour it nonetheless, up to some reasonable number on major roads.

I think the evidence is that there are developers who will pursue this type of project, as some do now notwithstanding all the barriers.

There's little doubt that having to go through the rezoning process, at considerable expense, both in City fees, but also in assorted studies with which one must comply and addressing things like parking minimums all contribute to making such projects less viable and frequent; not to mention the sheer time involved, typically at least 2 extra years, which if you're debt-financing your project, say at $5M for a small project, might add $500,000 or 10% on to the cost.

One shouldn't oversell the value of such an exercise, but nor undersell it either.

I can't say with certainty how many new units it would produce.

I can show modelling that suggests its in the hundreds of thousands..............

But clearly not all of that would happen; what would, would happen over time.

Still, if the exercise gave us an extra 20,000 units of housing over the next 5 years.

With 1/2 of those being rental; and perhaps 1/4 of those being 'affordable.'

That would still be a very productive move in a City with a housing crisis.
 
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I work with a builder who almost entirely does infill and densification projects on existing SFH lots. 5 storeys max? No problem, he'd be all over it. That's just one builder, mind, but I'm sure the appetite is there.

I think a lot of custom home builders would make the leap to bigger projects.
 
Toronto builder says fees, permits deter middle-income housing projects


All of the projects, said Kocev, have been a slog, with expensive committee-of-adjustment applications, significant fees, and in the case of the Greenwood property, an appeal to the Ontario Municipal Board. On the Rhodes project, Kocev said that city fees, including park levees, committee of adjustment fees, permits, development charges and educational development charges, have come to $127,000.

"If we're talking about doing it for profit, we'd be better off looking at properties to flip or to just build single family homes," he said. "You could resell it and you don't have those fees eating up your profit."

 

Link to web page directly: http://www.erikdrysdale.com/DA_kramer/

And the author’s TL;DR, quoted below:

Executive summary

Because this post contains seventeen figures and numerous technical discussions, I have distilled the salient facts which emerge from the analysis. Despite the impressive gains in population in these two cities overall, the distribution and composition of neighbourhood growth in the Toronto and Vancouver CMAs is skewed and limited to a handful of areas. The clear spatial and geographical concentration of population increases points to obvious regulatory constraints preventing densification on the majority of residential land.

Over a 45 year period, 1971-2016, 56 of Toronto’s 140 Official Neighbourhoods had smaller populations in 2016 than they did in 1971 (e.g. The Annex). More than 70% of Neighbourhoods in what was formerly Old Toronto, fall into this category of de-densification. 80% of the City of Toronto’s population growth have come from 20 Neighbourhoods.

The Toronto and Vancouver CMAs have seen their population more than double since 1971, outpacing national growth, and adding 3.2 and 1.4 million individuals, respectively.

The City of Surrey accounts for the plurality of growth in the Vancouver CMA (31%). Growth is more balanced between the City of Toronto and the other municipalities that make up the Toronto CMA.

Two-thirds of the Toronto CMA’s population growth has come from the creation of new DAs, and only one-third of population growth has come from increasing density of existing DAs. In the Vancouver CMA, the figures are reversed: two-thirds of the population gains have come from increased densities in existing DAs.

Since the 2011 census, very little population growth has come from new DA formation.[1]

Toronto’s oldest DAs have shown very little densification, whereas DAs formed after 1971 have been more likely to record higher densities over time.

Roughly the same number of DAs lose population compared to those that gain. De-densifying DAs lose an average of 250K and 125K individuals between census years in the Toronto and Vancouver CMA, respectively. However, the net gains from density to each CMA end up being positive as the DAs that see population growth increase by a larger magnitude than those that see population declines.

There is a clear spatial correlation for those areas that have seen population density increase or decrease. Population growth has been concentrated into a fraction of residential areas.

Statistical evidences suggests that having a higher share of row housing units is associated with higher population growth (the “missing middle” hypothesis), whereas higher incomes and single-family and semi-detached homes are associated with a declining population over time (the NIMBY hypothesis).
 

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