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Who will be the next Liberal leader?

...but I will admit; without a sensitive awareness of the crusades against racism, bigotry, et al over the past 60+ years, our present-day appreciation of CB+TSD would be much more crude and unworthy. The raw march of history and historical awareness really does enrich.

And that's where the true anti-bigot within me comes through. However, there comes a point where certain overzealous crusaders must, like, chill...
 
Oh, and back to
This type of personal attack really undermines you.
You must remember. I come "pre-undermined".
Remember my abject aesthetic musings on 9/11. Remember the keynote moment: a paid sexual encounter on New Year's Eve 2001 becoming a metaphor for "the year that was". With somebody half my age. Young enough to be my daughter. Indeed, the young-enough-to-be-my-daughterness was fundamental to it all (but better it be "transactional", than with an innocent citizen partner).

9/11 was terrible. People died. People were bereaved. People had their lives disrupted. People were traumatized.

And big deal. It's the defining (anti-?)aesthetic moment of our lives. If you think that's "making light of it", then you're not up to the effort.

Maybe what I indicated is that there may be more sublime (maybe even necessarily self-flagellating) means of riding the trauma than just milquetoast denouncements.

Likewise, there may be more sublime (no, I don't mean assassination, I'm talking about subtler and more nuanced underminings, satire, ridicule, subversion, even ironic "embrace") means of dealing with Harper's Tories than just tossing around the "bigot" blanket label like a 90-pound weakling.

So, can the Michael Richards cheap shots. Natural-bred anarchist that I am, I'm arguably worse, if not better;-)
 
Wow, no less than three posts about you attempting to defend your view in which you recognize bigotry and racism, and then defend the right to employ, express, explore, promote, retract, front, defend and repudiate bigotry and racism - all at the same time. Well I guess you covered all the angles on that topic - and managed to include your musings in which you express your pleasure at the idea of people being raped.

Thanks for sharing your predilections.

But as you are so absolutely wrapped up in yourself, I see no need to disturb your little party of one.
 
defend the right to employ, express, explore, promote, retract, front, defend and repudiate bigotry and racism - all at the same time.
Hey, it's a richer, fuller process than just to condemn it point blank. And it ultimately arrives at the same goal, anyway.

Think of it like the Prelude to Frank Lloyd Wright's "An Autobiography". "The lesson was to come. . . .Uncle John's meaning was plain - NEITHER TO RIGHT NOR TO THE LEFT, BUT STRAIGHT, IS THE WAY. . . .The boy was troubled. Something was left out."

What I'm doing is confronting and addressing the "something was left out" element in point-blank condemnation. Which allows for a lot of things--good, positive bigger-picture things, everything from empathy to abject self-searching.

When it comes to same-sex rights, "straight is the way" isn't necessarily the best way to defend the, er, "bent". Just because you're bent doesn't mean you have to be cramped, y'know. (A bent person, cramped through straightness. I know, I know.)

and managed to include your musings in which you express your pleasure at the idea of people being raped.
Of course. 9/11 raped us all. Me, too. Therein lies the aesthetic...
 
Points to consider via the New York Times.
And as an aside: ideally, it ought to be no more "unnatural" to thoughtfully defend "Coal Black" in the name of racial equality, than it is to thoughtfully defend John Andrews' Scarborough College in the name of historic preservation...

===============
December 17, 2006
Anti-Gay Slurs: The Latest in Hilarity
By CHARLES ISHERWOOD
THE predilections of Sebastian Venable, the gothic ghost who haunts Tennessee Williams’s “Suddenly Last Summer,†were so unspeakable that they essentially went unspoken in the text of the play. Dark hints about his taste for young men bloom all through the lyrical foliage of Williams’s dialogue, but the actual subject of homosexuality is never explicitly mentioned.

Nobody would have called the doomed poet a gay man, although that’s what all the tortuous innuendo essentially amounts to. The play, which was teamed with a curtain-raiser actually called “Something Unspoken†when it had its premiere in 1958, was written in an era when the word “gay†had not come into common parlance, and the word “homosexual†had a clinical and disreputable ring. (The “something†in “Something Unspoken†was lesbianism, by the way.)

The coyness about the subject in “Suddenly Last Summer,†written by a playwright who was famously uncoy about matters of sex and sexuality, firmly dates the play. Today neutral terms describing homosexuality are commonplace, having long since joined the vocabulary list deemed fit and proper to be spoken in front of the footlights. But as “The Little Dog Laughed,†“Regrets Only†and “Borat†have lately shown, old-school mockery, refitted for a new, post-politically-correct era, is making a comeback.

In “The Little Dog Laughed,†Douglas Carter Beane’s Hollywood satire at the Cort Theater, the central character, a ruthless female agent played with verve by Julie White, uses the following terms, among others, to refer to her client, a closeted gay movie actor: “that pansy,†“Mary†and “Miss Nancy,†“little fairy Tinkerbell†and “little fruit.†Coining her own variation on derogation, she calls another character “St. Francis of the Sissies.â€

At the performance I recently attended, virtually every one of those lines got a laugh. As they were meant to. For the character’s noxious vocabulary isn’t meant to mark her as a bigot. The epithets, generally employed in acerbic monologues addressed to the audience, are meant to establish her as a funny gal, if maybe a little soulless. It seems for most people they do.

Little notice has been taken of Mr. Beane’s comic exploitation of what is, in other contexts, called hate speech. But he seems to be aware that he is treading on tender turf: how else to explain the agent’s opening announcement that she’s a lesbian? Her sexuality then disappears until a passing reference in the last scene. But it’s enough to inoculate her (and perhaps him) against accusations of homophobia: she’s on the team, so she’s allowed, and we’re allowed to chuckle. (For the record, Mr. Beane is an openly gay man.)

The play raises a question that has been brought to the forefront of the cultural chatter recently in another context: Who is and is not allowed to use — and to laugh at or milk laughs from — derisive names for minorities? On a Broadway stage, Ms. White is warmly applauded for tossing out those nasty words. At a multiplex near you, Sacha Baron Cohen, playing a fictional anti-Semite, has ’em rolling in the aisles. But Michael Richards, also an entertainer, repeatedly uses a derogatory term for African-Americans in a stand-up act that queasily devolves into a fit of pique, and his offense makes headlines and cripples his career, possibly for good.

Is it all about context? Certainly Mr. Richards’s ghastly rant was not a scripted piece of entertainment, nor was it designed to provoke a discussion of slang and semantics. In savaging a heckler, he used the word the only way it was once used: as a weapon meant to demean and hurt. (Likewise, Mel Gibson got into trouble for his anti-Semitic rant because it appeared to be an expression of personal animus.) But at some point in his tirade Mr. Richards also tried to frame his attack as a political challenge. Muttering grimly in response to the audience’s obvious displeasure, he said, “You see, there’s still those words, those words.â€

Lenny Bruce was the first comic to start a conversation about “those words†on the nightclub stage. In one of his most famous, and controversial, routines, he asked if there were any African-Americans in the house — using the usual offensive term. He went on to run down a litany of bigoted epithets. His point was that by keeping the words taboo, we unwittingly preserve their power to hurt. He ended the bit by suggesting that if they were allowed to fully enter the cultural conversation, their batteries would go dead.

History has proved him to be at least half right. Gays and blacks took the language meant to demean them and put it to sly new use when speaking among themselves. Lately, as attitudes have relaxed, it has become easier for the rest of America to join the parties. (The character of Jack in the popular sitcom “Will & Grace†was pure minstrelsy, but by the time he minced onto the airwaves, in the context of a gay-friendly show, his dizziness and effeminacy hardly raised an eyebrow.)

What is disappointing about Mr. Beane’s flippant use of provocative language in “The Little Dog Laughed†is how provocative it isn’t. Mr. Beane is not pushing boundaries to get his audiences to examine their own prejudices, or jolt them into an awareness of its lingering prevalence in the culture. He’s just pushing the classic put-down button, used to garner laughs on sitcoms — and in life — from time immemorial.

Because he knows his audience is overwhelmingly made up of the gay and the gay-friended, Mr. Beane can safely use words that in other contexts would still call down opprobrium. But it doesn’t make the humor any smarter, and as the snipes kept coming and I stopped counting, the barking of those words in viperish tones began to push a few of my buttons. (Let’s just say that, as a gay man, I don’t look back on my suburban junior high school years with unalloyed fondness.)

“Regrets Only,†the new comedy by Paul Rudnick at Manhattan Theater Club, similarly exploits our new comfort with old stereotypes for some easy laughs. (Mr. Rudnick is also an openly gay playwright.) The plot turns on the notion that a Manhattan wedding would be stopped in its tracks if the city’s gay men went out on strike. No flowers, no one to pin the baby’s breath in the bride’s hair and tell her she looks fabulous. Mr. Rudnick includes lawyers and doormen and elevator operators in his legions of gay protesters, but mostly the humor turns on the sudden absence from the city’s working populace of florists and hairdressers and dress designers, occupations that haven’t made for clever antigay jokes since the days of “Match Game.â€

Wrapped in a comfy pashmina of preachment about the issue of gay marriage, the conceit is hardly going to offend, but the general mediocrity of “Regrets Only†suggests that Mr. Rudnick may have played with gay stereotypes a little too long: the play has far fewer good gags than his riper efforts in this sphere, like “The Most Fabulous Story Ever Told†and the short solo plays “Mr. Charles of Palm Beach,†about a quintessentially queeny cable-access host, and “Pride and Joy,†about a matron from Massapequa laying claim to the title of “most accepting, most loving mother of all time, bar none.â€

For a dose of truly discomfiting — and provocative — comedy trading on man’s universal tendency to sort by group and sneer at the guys in the other camp, you’ll have to look not to the stage but to the movies, where a certain boob from Kazakhstan reigned this fall. In contrast to the tame, middlingly funny and rather retrograde flavor of “The Little Dog Laughed†and “Regrets Only,†the often uproarious “Borat†has the harsh sting of just-distilled vodka.

Mr. Cohen is himself Jewish, so Borat’s smiling anti-Semitism is a con mostly used to seduce the clueless rednecks and drunk frat dudes. But I wonder what would happen if Borat trained the cameras on a cross section of the audiences delighting in his easy evisceration of the all-American boob. Do the millions of people in on the Borat joke really think they’re immune from even the smallest trace of bigotry? Unless they are among the unlucky few who meet Mr. Cohen’s next alter ego, they m never have to acknowledge their laughter’s unfunny origins.

When we are done laughing at Ms. White’s nasty cracks and Borat’s victims, and clucking at Mr. Richards’s freakish tirade, we should recognize the uncomfortable truth of that peppy homily sung in the Broadway musical “Avenue Qâ€: “Everyone’s a little bit racist sometimes.â€
 
Dion as the leader will re-energize Quebec Liberals, thus delivering the needed votes for at least a minority government. I think Dion was a good choice. Kennedy was my first choice, Dion was my second choice. I'm glad the Liberals have new leadership that makes sense. Ignatieff made my stomach turn.
 
Oh, and if you are wondering where that response came from, I haven't had net access for a month and just now have a chance to respond to the actual convention choice. 8)
 
Thanks for bringing this thread back on topic. Navel gazing about the gay community kills a lot of threads.


I think the next few months will have some rather interesting political manouevrings with Harper and the NDP attempting to outflank Dion on the environment by releasing a decent environmental plan. I don't really think that they'll quite manage to pull it off. It would be a stunning reversal for Harper to embrace Kyoto or a variant thereof, considering his policy thus far has been to gut any and all Kyoto initiatives.

I'm more interested in how each party will try to sell GHG reduction. What I'd like to see is a party propose more market mechanisms, perhaps with a GHG credit market rather than expensive and ineffective subsidies and tax credits.

Setting up a GHG credit market might seem like a political hot potatoe, but I think it could be pulled off. This can be done by having a large initial supply such that the credits remain fairly inexpensive. After a few years, the we could start to tighten the supply somewhat, by which time the public should be somewhat comfortable with the idea.

I would insist that government (that is, the people) owns the right to emit GHG, not individual corporations or industries. Its lunacy to allow one corporation to sell GHG reductions to another. This will also provide a huge new source of revenue for the federal government, with the proceeds going to strategic investments in infrastructure to help reduce our dependence on GHG and a reduction in 'bad' taxes like corporate income, capital gains, etc.
 
I would insist that government (that is, the people) owns the right to emit GHG, not individual corporations or industries
Wouldn't those that emit GHG be the ones needing the right to emit them? If people or government doesn't emit GHG, there's no point in giving the right to them. Alternatively, if it is the government that has the ultimate right over GHG and then gives that right to corporations who emit GHG, well, then we just have another level of regulation, and since the Liberals signed Kyoto and we saw emissions skyrocket under their leadership, I'm not sure that the government should own to right to emit GHG, since they've messed it up thus far.
 
That makes no sense. Government has given industry free reign thus far, and emissions have skyrocketed, so you argue that we should continue to do so in the hopes that corporations will voluntarily reduce their emissions.

My point is that the government, on behalf of the people, own 'emissions credits', that is the right to put GHG in the air. There is no other fair way of apportioning GHG emissions rights. Why should oil companies have the right to continue to emit GHG or sell that right just because they are among the worst offenders now? It rewards failure.

If the government owns to emissions credits and sells them to industry, then the emissions are used efficiently (biggest economic bang per unit of GHG) and the proceeds of the sale go to benefit everyone.

It also makes it straightforward to set annual targets. Every tonne of formerly sequestered CO_2 equivalent is emitted because the government gave that right.


Think of it as property tax on the atmosphere. Imagine we were to start over today, only the Crown didn't have the right to tax land, but there current owners would retain that right forever. They could either continue to use the land, tax-free, forever, possibly very inefficiently; or, they could sell it to someone else and reap the benefits of taxation on that property. Do you see why this doesn't make sense, and why it is analogous to GHG emissions trading? Just because an entity had possession of a share of emissions in the past doesn't mean they should own that right in the future.
 
Government has given industry free reign thus far, and emissions have skyrocketed, so you argue that we should continue to do so in the hopes that corporations will voluntarily reduce their emissions.

Government has not granted free-reign. They have not granted anything. Greenhouse gas emissions are unregulated. The aim among some political party is to create regulation (or the appearance of regulation by way of emissions trading).

Accurate measures of the movement of GHG's like carbon dioxide do not exist as of yet - in spite of what everyone pretends to know (this fact is noted in the IPCC). Go, for a moment beyond just cars and powerplants. For example, do you tax farmers for their GHG emissions, or credit them for growing photosynthesizing plants that utilize carbon dioxide? Are some farmers then unfairly rewarded when the extra carbon dioxide in the atmosphere actually benefits their green plants? What about farmers who are not using green plants? What about the larger impact of land use management on carbon dioxide or methane emissions? Do land owners who grow trees get credited becuase trees reduce GHG's (even though forests produce methane), or do they get charged because leafy trees are dark and absorb more heat and retain moisture? Is this all to be left out of the credit equation? Does this benefit or hinder agricultural producers? Which ones benefit, and why? And should they benefit?

My point is that existing models for carbon credit trading are rather simplistic, and are so because they are meant to be simplistic. This is an effort to look like something is being done, and not really doing that much in the process - and not knowing whether it will have any impact at all (which it probably won't).
 
It's true that biological processes are difficult to analyse and quantify for GHG impact. I would say to leave them out of the regulatory scheme until such time we can accurately and precisely assess their impact. However, they are a different beast than the burning of fossil fuels. There are some biological processes that can probably be quantified with reasonable confidence on the other hand, such as methane emissions from garbage dumps.


"Government has not granted free-reign. They have not granted anything. Greenhouse gas emissions are unregulated."

This is just semantics.

How could penalising the burning of fossil fuels not succeed in reducing our reliance upon them? Just because we think that current experiments with carbon trading haven't produced overwhelming results, doesn't mean they don't work. Most such markets, where they exist, don't have significant charges associated with them, and are weakened by exemptions for many industries.
 
"Moreover, no one stands behind your car and adds up the greenhouse gas emissions it puts out,"

It's not important that you use a car, but that you burn gasoline. The CO_2 rate from the burning of gasoline is well known....

from Ministry of Agriculture and Environment
By current calculation methods, primary agriculture is responsible for about 10% of Canada's greenhouse gases, not including transportation, input costs or agri-food processing. Primary agriculture in Canada accounts for [...]less than 1% of Canada`s total emissions of [...]carbon dioxide (CO2)

So, frankly, agriculture can reasonably be ignored in the short-term, until the regulatory regime is in place to deal with more straightforward forms of GHG emissions.

"the entire emissions trading scheme could rapidly become pointless."

Frankly, I disagree. Carbon that is stored in biological material near the surface (soil and forests) is only sequestered on a short-term basis. I'm less concerned about these GHG being released... whereas burning fossil fuels releases carbon that has been out of the carbon cycle for millions of years.

"As for penalising the burning of fossil fuels and reducing our reliance on them, why do present treaties allow developing nations to grow dependent on those fuels? And why are there relatively weak efforts to improve air quality in those nations?"

Good questions. Frankly, though, that's not what we're talking about.

"Finally, all of these policies are being built upon a correlation and not a causation that GHG's have a absolutely central impact on climate change."

Well, unfortunately it is rather difficult to 'prove' statistically that GHG have a significant warming effect on the earth, especially since we don't have more than one planet so that we may do blocking to avoid confounding of the explanatory variates. We can only infer a causal relationship (and that is as good as we will EVER get).

On the other hand, the changes in climate we are facing will and already do have significant repurcussions for humanity in terms of suffering, famine, and economic loss. Given the potential downside, I'm willing to gamble that GHG does cause climate change by endeavouring to have the use of fossil fuels reduced. We can use alternate forms of energy, and if I'm wrong, we'll have new forms of energy to rely on that won't be depleted. If I'm right, we'll avert monumental catastrophe. Doubting the science is not really an argument iin favour of status quo. The stakes are high enough that acting as if we had established a causal relationship is the most prudent course of action.

Weaning ourselves off of fossil fuels is probably worth it in itself. They won't be available in abundant supply forever, and if we are ahead of the curve in terms of energy efficiency and renewables, then we will be better insulated against the high cost of these fuels in the future.
 
...the Liberals signed Kyoto and we saw emissions skyrocket under their leadership, I'm not sure that the government should own to right to emit GHG, since they've messed it up thus far.

I have heard this talking point before regarding the Liberal policy and Kyoto. Its important to remember that Kyoto was not finalized until the end of the 1990's. The Liberals were in power from 1992 forward, so there is a lot of time that was spent in office before Kyoto was finalized and agreed upon.

While that does not explain why the Liberals failed to take a great deal of action in the early 2000's, it is important to note the reason why Canada has more emissions is because a lot of industry has been polluting, not exactly individuals. The most important factor the government can do with individuals is limiting automobile pollution and regulating fuel efficiency.

Are the Liberals at fault for not acting very quickly? Yes.

Are the Liberals at fault for destroying Kyoto and rejecting its basis? No. That's the fault of the Conservatives.

Its not easy to change people's opinions and to introduce a new way of environmental thinking. I would far rather trust the Liberals who at least support Kyoto in principle than the Conservatives who wish to gut it and forget it exists.

In relative terms its still wise to have a Liberal government on environmental issues. While you can't expect immediate action all the time, its still better to have a government that supports environmental policies in principle and acts on them more often than the opposition.
 
^My point was that it was semantics to state that government has "granted free- reign." Greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture are not regulated in any way - nor have they been "un-regulated" so as to grant "free-reign." Moreover, no one stands behind your car and adds up the greenhouse gas emissions it puts out, or when, or in what manner with respect to the use of that automobile (if you have a car).

Without understanding the biological processes - at least the impact of land use and its role in the generation or reduction of GHG's - the entire emissions trading scheme could rapidly become pointless. What role does agriculture play in this? If it has a significant role, and is not included in this scheme (some how) then this entire carbon trading scheme is at best partial - even minimal.

As for penalising the burning of fossil fuels and reducing our reliance on them, why do present treaties allow developing nations to grow dependent on those fuels? And why are there relatively weak efforts to improve air quality in those nations?

Finally, all of these policies are being built upon a correlation and not a causation that GHG's have a absolutely central impact on climate change. I want to stress this point as it is included in the IPCC documents. The science says maybe, but the policy-makers say absolutely. The IPCC science suggests that the sun can account for 25% of the apparent heating based on the resarch it included. However, no one bothers to mention that fact in policy development on issues concerning GHG's. What if research suggests that it is the sun that plays a far greater role in temperature increases (and there is research that does in fact suggest this)? The result would be yet another big rudder shift in environmental and market policy.
 

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