Not just Harper, Alberta and Ontario were pushing the federal government to bring in more people. Conservative governments love to suppress wages.
This is mostly false on many levels.
In the late 19th, early 20th century, suppressing wages tended to be a right-wing/conservative thing in some Western countries; this is established history. (Conversely, labour movements tended to be anti-immigration)
However, in the recent Canadian case, that's not very true.
Harper made it easier to get TFWs in 2006/7, but virtually all of immigration-driven growth under Harper came from PR admissions.
Under Trudeau it came from temporary (work) visas like IMP, student visas, student-work visas, which are federal programs, see post on previous page. Much more likely to be low wage and wage suppressive too.
And if you don't believe me, here is the Bank of Canada saying so.
"Between 2015 and 2024, temporary workers have become younger, less experienced and more likely to migrate from lower-income countries. As well, the shares of temporary workers in skilled occupations have declined moderately. Throughout this period, the average nominal wage gap between temporary and Canadian-born workers has more than doubled, widening from -9.5%to -22.6%. [...]
Our results suggest that aggregate nominal wages would have been, on average, 0.7% higher in 2023–24 had the characteristics of temporary workers remained unchanged over the past decade."
Harper tightened the TFW system in 2013 and 2014 due to backlash from a April 2012 loosening that set 15% below prevailing wage for high skilled jobs and 5% below prevailing wage for low skilled jobs. In April 2013, they reinstated the prevailing wage requirement. This explicit wage suppression lasted for one year. In 2014, TFWs were heavily restricted under Harper,
which lead to applications declining by 75%. A study showed that wages grew
"3–6 percent for domestic workers in occupations heavily reliant on TFWs", as a result of the 2014 reforms.
TFWs and IMP-equivalents actually declined in the last few years of Harper's admin:
| Year | TFWP | IMP |
|---|
| 2013 | 118,446 | 193,381 |
| 2014 | 94,621 | 194,160 |
| 2015 | 73,040 | 176,168 |
Here is what happened in 2016, right after the Liberals were elected: "Canada dilutes plan to limit low-wage temporary foreign workers"
https://www.reuters.com/article/wor...wage-temporary-foreign-workers-idUSL1N19F22D/.
Here are the 2024 numbers to compare:
| Year | TFWP | IMP |
|---|
| 2024 | 191,630 | 717,405 |
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Alberta and Ontario were pushing the federal government to bring in more people
Yes, but part of that was asking for more skilled PRs (economic immigrants), instead of say, family reunification PRs.
In 2007, Alberta said they want 10% of PRs, and that more PR nominations would help skilled labour shortages. The Provincial Nominee Program.
https://www.alberta.ca/release.cfm?xID=214387C8478C8-D2AA-EF6B-F7F8A6089B60D50E&utm
In 2011, Alberta realized TFWs weren't the optimal solution, PRs were better.
https://open.alberta.ca/dataset/30c...11-impact-of-the-temporary-foreign-worker.pdf
In 2014 and 2017, the Ontario Liberals similarly pushed for more skilled PRs, since their proportion of PRs had declined.
https://news.ontario.ca/en/release/28364/strengthening-immigration-in-ontario
https://www.ontario.ca/page/new-direction-ontarios-immigration-strategy
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Permanent admissions during Harper went from 250,000 in 2006 to 272,000 in 2015.
More to the point, if Harper loosening TFW rules spiked migration like you two are implying, why was net migration was flat from 2000 through 2015?
Net migration went up 60% in the first year of Trudeau on a year-to-year basis. We can compare to Chretien/Martin before Harper as well:
| Year | PR admissions (Immigrants) | Net migration |
|---|
| 1993 | 256,754 | 142,805 |
| 1994 | 224,395 | 152,213 |
| 1995 | 212,875 | 161,792 |
| 1996 | 226,061 | 166,553 |
| 1997 | 216,034 | 154,022 |
| 1998 | 174,184 | 117,263 |
| 1999 | 189,971 | 158,015 |
| 2000 | 227,429 | 198,753 |
| 2001 | 250,638 | 238,533 |
| 2002 | 229,049 | 212,500 |
| 2003 | 221,349 | 194,416 |
| 2004 | 235,859 | 194,999 |
| 2005 | 262,246 | 212,969 |
| 2006 | 251,649 | 216,500 |
| 2007 | 236,763 | 229,266 |
| 2008 | 247,262 | 266,253 |
| 2009 | 252,218 | 267,064 |
| 2010 | 280,739 | 250,479 |
| 2011 | 248,735 | 240,605 |
| 2012 | 257,825 | 253,606 |
| 2013 | 259,046 | 260,580 |
| 2014 | 260,308 | 222,322 |
| 2015 | 271,867 | 205,971 |
| 2016 | 296,385 | 328,335 |
| 2017 | 286,537 | 380,739 |
| 2018 | 321,054 | 438,056 |
| 2019 | 341,174 | 495,164 |
| 2020 | 184,594 | 69,293 |
| 2021 | 406,046 | 444,372 |
| 2022 | 437,612 | 917,753 |
| 2023 | 471,817 | 1,196,843 |
| 2024 | 483,654 | 815,808 |
| 2025 | 393,752 | -133,642 |
StatsCan Source
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I wonder why the CBC didn't cover LMIA-less IMP visas under Trudeau?
2013: "Temporary foreign workers hired in areas with EI claimants" was a big knock against the Conservatives
Hiring temporary workers on visas (IMP, student visas, student-work visas, and TFWs) has been commonplace despite EI claimants for a decade, it's just accepted practice now.