Not just Harper, Alberta and Ontario were pushing the federal government to bring in more people. Conservative governments love to suppress wages.
This is mostly false on many levels. In general, conservative governments suppressing wages is more or less what Bernie said in my previous post. However, in the recent Canadian case, that's not very true.
Harper made it easier to get TFWs in 2006/7, but virtually all of immigration-driven growth under Harper came from PR admissions.
Under Trudeau it came from temporary visas like IMP, student visas, student-work visas, which are federal programs, see post on previous page. Much more likely to be low wage and wage suppressive too.
Harper tightened the TFW system in 2013 and 2014 due to backlash from a April 2012 loosening that set 15% below prevailing wage for high skilled jobs and 5% below prevailing wage for low skilled jobs. In April 2013, they reinstated the prevailing wage requirement.
I won't repeat what happened after the 2015 election again, but the result is obvious.
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In 2007, Alberta said they want 10% of PRs, and that more PR nominations would help skilled labour shortages. The Provincial Nominee Program.
In 2014 and 2017, the Ontario Liberals similarly pushed for more skilled PRs.
news.ontario.ca
A new strategy for selecting, helping and welcoming immigrants to our province.
www.ontario.ca
Permanent admissions during Harper went from 250,000 in 2006 to 272,000 in 2015.
More to the point, if Harper loosening TFW rules spiked immigration like you two are implying, why was net migration was flat from 2000 through 2015?
Net migration went up 65% in the first year of Trudeau on a year-to-year basis.
| Year | PR admissions (Immigrants) | Net migration |
|---|
| 1993 | 256,754 | 142,805 |
| 1994 | 224,395 | 152,213 |
| 1995 | 212,875 | 161,792 |
| 1996 | 226,061 | 166,553 |
| 1997 | 216,034 | 154,022 |
| 1998 | 174,184 | 117,263 |
| 1999 | 189,971 | 158,015 |
| 2000 | 227,429 | 198,753 |
| 2001 | 250,638 | 238,533 |
| 2002 | 229,049 | 212,500 |
| 2003 | 221,349 | 194,416 |
| 2004 | 235,859 | 194,999 |
| 2005 | 262,246 | 212,969 |
| 2006 | 251,649 | 216,500 |
| 2007 | 236,763 | 229,266 |
| 2008 | 247,262 | 266,253 |
| 2009 | 252,218 | 267,064 |
| 2010 | 280,739 | 250,479 |
| 2011 | 248,735 | 240,605 |
| 2012 | 257,825 | 253,606 |
| 2013 | 259,046 | 260,580 |
| 2014 | 260,308 | 222,322 |
| 2015 | 271,867 | 205,971 |
| 2016 | 296,385 | 328,335 |
| 2017 | 286,537 | 380,739 |
| 2018 | 321,054 | 438,056 |
| 2019 | 341,174 | 495,164 |
| 2020 | 184,594 | 69,293 |
| 2021 | 406,046 | 444,372 |
| 2022 | 437,612 | 917,753 |
| 2023 | 471,817 | 1,196,843 |
| 2024 | 483,654 | 815,808 |
| 2025 | 393,752 | -133,642 |
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I wonder why the CBC didn't cover LMIA-less IMP visas under Trudeau?
2013: "Temporary foreign workers hired in areas with EI claimants" was a big knock against the Conservatives
Hiring foreign workers on visas (IMP, student visas, student-work visas, and TFWs) has been commonplace despite EI claimants for a decade, it's just accepted practice now.